
Sangam Vihar’s lettered blocks, Devli, Tigri, Khanpur, Duggal Colony and Madangir — lanes where plots changed hands on a GPA and the man named on the papers is often long gone.
Quick answer: Hardly any plot here changed hands by registered sale deed. What households hold is a GPA, an agreement to sell, a possession letter, a will and a receipt. In 2019 Parliament passed an Act that names those exact papers. The National Capital Territory of Delhi (Recognition of Property Rights of Residents in Unauthorised Colonies) Act, 2019 — the statute behind PM-UDAY — defines a “resident” in section 2 as “a person having physical possession of property on the basis of a registered sale deed or latest Power of Attorney, Agreement to Sale, Will, possession letter and other documents including documents evidencing payment of consideration … and includes their legal heirs but does not include tenant, licensee or permissive user.” Possession, not title. The informal instruments named outright. And then four words that decide tens of thousands of households in these lanes: “and includes their legal heirs”. A plot bought on a GPA in 1994 was bought by a man now in his seventies, if he is alive at all — and where he has died, the family’s whole position rests on being his legal heirs. For a widow that means having been his wife — and the Act says not one word about how she shows it. She has been married since the day of the rites under section 7, and the record is still available with no cut-off. The honest other half: the definition excludes a tenant, licensee or permissive user in terms, and the Act only reaches colonies “identified for regularisation” under a named 2008 notification — whether your lane is on that list is for the authority, not for an agent charging a fee. Ceremony ₹5,100, with registration ₹7,100, a wedding already held ₹6,000, civil route ₹15,000. We make no PM-UDAY application, obtain no conveyance deed, advise on no GPA or will, provide no witnesses — and take nothing for any of it.
Sangam Vihar is one of the largest colonies of its kind anywhere — lane after lane off the Devli and Tigri roads, blocks that run from A to Z and then start again, and a population that runs into the hundreds of thousands. Hardly any of it was built with an approved layout plan. Hardly any of the plots changed hands by registered sale deed.
What people hold here instead is a bundle: a General Power of Attorney, an agreement to sell, a possession letter, a will, a receipt for the money, and a chain of such papers going back through three or four owners. Every page of this website would ordinarily tell you those are weak documents, and in most contexts that is true.
Then in 2019 Parliament did something unusual. It passed an Act that names those exact papers and gives them effect.
The National Capital Territory of Delhi (Recognition of Property Rights of Residents in Unauthorised Colonies) Act, 2019 — the statute behind what most people here call PM-UDAY — opens by defining who it is for. Section 2 defines a "resident" as:
"a person having physical possession of property on the basis of a registered sale deed or latest Power of Attorney, Agreement to Sale, Will, possession letter and other documents including documents evidencing payment of consideration in respect of a property in unauthorised colonies and includes their legal heirs but does not include tenant, licensee or permissive user."
Read it slowly, because almost every phrase in it describes a cupboard in this colony.
"Physical possession of property." Not title. Not a registered deed. Possession — actually living there, holding it. That is where the definition starts.
"On the basis of a registered sale deed or latest Power of Attorney, Agreement to Sale, Will, possession letter." Parliament listed the informal instruments by name. A GPA. An agreement to sell. A will. A possession letter. These are not grudgingly tolerated in the definition; they are the basis on which a person qualifies.
"And other documents including documents evidencing payment of consideration." The receipt. The record that money changed hands. Even that is inside the definition.
"Latest." One word, and it does real work — where there is a chain of such papers through several hands, it is the most recent one that counts.
Why does this matter on a marriage website? Because of the two clauses at the end of that definition, which almost nobody reads to the finish. One of them opens a door and the other closes it, and the first one is the reason this page exists.
Here is the clause, on its own.
"… and includes their legal heirs …"
The recognition does not stop with the person whose name is on the papers. It reaches their legal heirs.
That matters here more than almost anywhere, because of the arithmetic of a colony this old. A plot bought on a GPA in 1994 was bought by somebody who is now in his seventies, if he is alive at all. Across tens of thousands of households in these lanes, the man named on the papers has died, nothing was ever changed, and the family has simply gone on living there.
For those families, those four words are the whole of their position. The person with physical possession today is not the person named on the agreement to sell. What brings them inside the definition is being that person's legal heir.
And now the question the Act does not answer. Who are the legal heirs?
The Act does not say. It uses the phrase and moves on — as it is entitled to do, because the law of who inherits sits in other statutes entirely. But the consequence is the one that runs under every page on this website: for a widow, being a legal heir depends entirely on having been a wife, and the Act that hands her the recognition says not one word about how she is to establish that.
Picture the ordinary case in these lanes. A man bought the plot on a GPA in the nineties. He married in his village in 1991, correctly, in front of everybody, and nothing was written down. He died in 2016. His widow and her sons live in the house. His brother, who lives two lanes away, also has a view about whose house it is.
She is the legal heir. She has been his wife since 1991. Under section 7 of the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955 the performance of the customary rites is the act that marries people, so the marriage has existed since the day of the ceremony and the missing paper changes nothing about it. What she does not have is the document that an office, a clerk or a dispute will actually act on.
The document can still be had, and the years that went by have cost her nothing at all. A 1991 ceremony is registrable today — nothing has lapsed and no window has shut. Our late registration page sets out the process. Delhi's 2014 Order attaches only two fixed amounts for a late filing — ₹500 while the second sixty-day period is still running and ₹1,000 after it closes — both of which the ADM or DM may set aside, and neither of which has risen by a paisa in the thirty-five years since.
The same definition ends with a hard exclusion, and a page that quoted the generous half without the restrictive half would be doing the thing this website exists not to do.
"… but does not include tenant, licensee or permissive user."
Three categories, excluded outright. A tenant. A licensee. And a "permissive user" — somebody occupying with the owner's permission but with no interest of their own.
In a colony where a very large share of the rooms are rented, that exclusion reaches a great many people. Paying rent for fifteen years in the same room does not bring you inside the definition. Being allowed to stay by a relative who owns the plot does not either. The Act is about recognising the position of people who hold property on those informal papers, not about everybody living in the colony.
We say that plainly because the opposite is sold. This is exactly the sort of statute that agents misdescribe — and in a colony of this size, there is money in misdescribing it. Anybody who tells a tenant that PM-UDAY will make them an owner is not reading the definition they are being paid to understand.
And here is the thing worth holding on to, for a tenant reading this. Being excluded from this Act takes nothing away from your marriage file. Registering a marriage has never required ownership, a lease, a registered document or a landlord's cooperation. It needs identity, age, and the address you actually live at. The two questions are entirely separate, and the easier of them is the one we can actually help with.
The other definition in section 2 is worth setting out, because it decides whether the Act touches a particular colony at all — and people assume it covers anything irregular, which it does not.
"Unauthorised colony" means:
"a colony or development comprising of a contiguous area, where no permission has been obtained for approval of layout plan or building plans and has been identified for regularisation of such colony in pursuance to the notification number S.O. 683(E), dated the 24th March, 2008."
Two conditions, and both must hold.
First, no permission was obtained for the layout plan or the building plans. That is the easy part and describes a great deal of this belt.
Second — and this is the condition people miss — the colony must have been "identified for regularisation" under a specific notification, named in the Act by number and date. It is not enough that a colony is irregular. It has to be on the list.
Which means the honest answer to "does this Act apply to my lane?" is that we do not know, and will not guess. Whether a particular colony, or a particular pocket of a colony, falls within that notification is a question of fact about an official list — not something a marriage service can tell you from a phone call, and not something anybody should tell you for a fee. The place to find out is the authority administering the scheme, directly, and it costs nothing to ask them.
Section 3(1) is the operative provision. It empowers the Central Government, by notification, to "regularise the transactions of immovable properties based on the latest Power of Attorney, Agreement to Sale, Will, possession letter and other documents including documents evidencing payment of consideration for conferring or recognising right of ownership or transfer or mortgage."
And section 3(4) provides that residents holding such documents "shall be eligible for right of ownership or transfer or mortgage through a conveyance deed or authorisation slip."
Notice what the mechanism is. The informal chain does not magically become a title on its own. It becomes the basis on which a conveyance deed or authorisation slip can be issued — a new, formal document, granted on application, on payment of charges. The Act is a bridge from the papers in the cupboard to a document the system recognises, not a declaration that the cupboard was always enough.
Described rather than quoted, because published texts of these sub-sections differ in their wording: the remaining parts of section 3 deal with the Central Government fixing charges for the transaction by notification; with stamp duty and registration charges being payable on the amount stated in the conveyance deed or authorisation slip; with residents holding registered, unregistered or notarised documents being eligible on payment of the prescribed charges; with earlier sale transactions in the chain, before the final one, not attracting stamp duty; and with the exclusion of tenants, licensees and permissive users being carried through. Those summaries should not be relied on as the Act's text, and nothing on this page turns on their precise words.
What we do not do, stated as plainly as we can manage. We do not make PM-UDAY applications. We do not obtain conveyance deeds or authorisation slips. We do not draft, check or advise on a GPA, an agreement to sell, a will or a possession letter. We do not establish anybody's chain of title, we do not obtain legal heir or succession certificates, we take no property dispute, we appear before no authority or court, and we are paid nothing for any of it.
And a warning that belongs on this page specifically. A statute that promises ownership to hundreds of thousands of households is a magnet for people charging fees to "get your file passed". Nobody can guarantee an outcome under this Act. The charges that are payable are the government's own, fixed by notification, and they are paid to the authority. If somebody asks you for money to influence an official, or for an OTP, or for your original papers to be handed over, that is not how any of this works. Ours is an ordinary marriage service: we never ask for an OTP, a card number, a UPI PIN or your originals, and the only thing we can honestly do for a household in this colony is the marriage document.
Put the definition back together and look at what it does.
Parliament set out to recognise the position of people holding property in colonies like this one. It listed the informal instruments by name. It centred the definition on physical possession rather than title. It carried the recognition forward to "their legal heirs". And it excluded tenants, licensees and permissive users.
In doing that, it made a family relationship load-bearing — and said nothing whatsoever about how a family relationship is proved.
This is the pattern, and by now it is unmistakable. It happens in statute after statute, and this website exists because of it. A labour statute requires a fatal accident to be reported to the next of kin and never says who that is. A land acquisition statute defines a household around his or her spouse, protects widows, divorcees and women deserted by families, and never says how any of them show it. A provident fund scheme's definition of family opens with a husband or wife. A pension scheme keeps paying the spouse until she dies. A rent statute passes a tenancy to the spouse first. And here, a property statute written for the poorest colonies in Delhi extends its recognition to legal heirs and stops.
Every one of those provisions gives something to a wife. Not one of them explains how an office is to satisfy itself that she is one.
That silence is not a drafting failure. It is the proper division of labour between statutes — a law about land has no business restating the law of marriage. But the silence has to be filled by somebody, and the person it falls on is always the same: a woman at a counter, years after the wedding, being asked to produce something.
Filling it is the entirety of what this business does. We do not do property, we do not do succession, we do not do schemes and we do not do disputes. We turn a fact that a lane of two hundred people witnessed into a document that an office will act on. In a colony where the papers are informal by design and the original holders are dying, that one document is worth a great deal more than its price.
Everything quoted above, collected. Each entry is the Act's own wording.
| Provision | What the Act says | Where the marriage comes in |
|---|---|---|
| s.2 — "resident", opening | "a person having physical possession of property on the basis of a registered sale deed or latest Power of Attorney, Agreement to Sale, Will, possession letter" | Possession, not title, is the starting point — which is why so many households here are inside the definition at all. |
| s.2, continued | "and other documents including documents evidencing payment of consideration in respect of a property in unauthorised colonies" | Even the receipt for the money counts. Parliament named the informal instruments deliberately. |
| s.2 — the four words | "and includes their legal heirs" | The point of this page. Where the named holder has died, the family’s whole position rests on being his legal heirs — and for a widow that means having been his wife. |
| s.2 — the exclusion | "but does not include tenant, licensee or permissive user" | A hard limit that reaches a great many people in a colony this heavily rented. It takes nothing away from a marriage file. |
| s.2 — "unauthorised colony" | "a colony or development comprising of a contiguous area, where no permission has been obtained for approval of layout plan or building plans and has been identified for regularisation … in pursuance to the notification number S.O. 683(E), dated the 24th March, 2008" | Two conditions, and the second is an official list. Whether a given lane is on it is not something we can tell you. |
| s.3(1) | Power to "regularise the transactions of immovable properties based on the latest Power of Attorney, Agreement to Sale, Will, possession letter … for conferring or recognising right of ownership or transfer or mortgage" | "Resident" carries its s.2 meaning throughout — legal heirs included. |
| s.3(4) | Such residents "shall be eligible for right of ownership or transfer or mortgage through a conveyance deed or authorisation slip" | A bridge to a new formal document, granted on application — not an automatic title. |
And the limit on all of it: this is the definition of "resident" in one Act, for that Act's own purposes. It governs nothing else. Whether anybody qualifies, and what they would receive, is a matter for the authority administering the scheme — not for this page and not for us.
The practical difficulty here is not unusual in kind, only in scale. In a colony of this many lanes, the number of households where the papers name somebody who has died runs into the tens of thousands.
A file from these blocks typically holds: a General Power of Attorney from the nineties naming a man who is no longer alive; an agreement to sell between two parties, neither of them the present occupant; a possession letter on a sheet of paper nobody can now date; a receipt; an electricity account in a name the family does not fully recognise; a water arrangement with no document at all; and between the two people actually getting married, not one paper carrying either of their names at the address where they live.
None of that stands in the way of registering a marriage, and the belief that it does is what costs families here the most time. The marriage file is after three things: who each of you is, how old each of you is, and the address each of you genuinely occupies now. It is not interested in the chain of title. It does not require the GPA to be traced to its source, the plot to be regularised, a conveyance deed to be obtained, or any dead name to be replaced on any account first.
Say that back to yourself if you have been waiting. The property question and the marriage question are two different jobs with two different answers, and the marriage one is enormously the simpler. There is also a sequence argument for doing it first: if the property question ever becomes live — a scheme application, a dispute, an heir who has to show why the house is hers — the marriage document is one of the things that will be wanted, and it is far easier to obtain calmly now than urgently later.
Where the address is genuinely the obstacle, the route is to get one truthful record standing in the name of a living applicant and let the others follow behind it: the bank first, the Aadhaar after, the voters' list last. That is weeks of work rather than an afternoon, which is exactly why this conversation belongs a month ahead of any date. Building that first record from nothing is the subject of our Laxmi Nagar page, and how much an Aadhaar printed in another State really settles is on our Timarpur page.
Turn down anybody who offers to produce a document for you. A paper putting your name at an address you have never slept at installs a defect deliberately, and it comes apart at the one counter where you needed it to hold. In a colony where agents already circulate selling scheme outcomes, the offer will be made. Refuse it.
Send photographs before anybody gives up a day's earnings. On WhatsApp, at whatever hour the work allows. It costs nothing, takes ten minutes, and in a household holding four informal papers and no formal one it is the fastest way to learn which of them matters and which does not.
Two questions get run together here, and separating them saves a journey.
Where were the rites performed? That is a fact about an event and nothing changes it. A ceremony in one of these lanes was solemnised in Delhi. A ceremony in a village in Bihar, eastern Uttar Pradesh or Rajasthan was solemnised there.
Where does each of you actually live now? Residence is a question about your present life rather than a line printed on a card years ago. A family that has held a room in these blocks for two decades lives in Delhi, whatever district it still calls home.
For most households here, Delhi answers both. The colony has been home for twenty or thirty years, the children were raised here, the work is here, and the ceremony was often here too.
Where it becomes a real question is a wedding performed back in the district. Then two things decide it, and only two: where you genuinely live now, and where this certificate will actually be produced over the coming decades. A household whose life is entirely in Delhi is almost always better served registering here, because Delhi is where the banks, the offices, the schools and any scheme application will be. A household whose centre has moved back is better served there. We will say which it is while you are still on the phone and still owing us nothing — including those times when being straight about it means the job goes elsewhere.
The role is a modest one, and the dread attached to it is out of all proportion. A pair of people come along, and in the officer's presence they sign to confirm two things: that the two of you standing there are the two the file is about, and that the rites were performed. They promise nothing and nothing is owed by them afterwards. Each of them brings a couple of documents issued in his own name — one carrying his photograph, one showing where he lives. There is no advance submission, and a person who did not come cannot have anybody sign for him. Eligibility is set out on our witnesses page.
The advantage in this colony is one that most of Delhi does not have: people arrive and then stay. Households that bought into these lanes in the eighties and nineties are still in them. Neighbours have been neighbours for twenty-five years. In a belt like this, a witness who can actually be traced in 2050 is not hard to find — unlike almost anywhere in Delhi where the workforce rotates.
So choose on that basis rather than on convenience. The family two doors away who have held the same plot since 1991 is a far better signature than the cousin who came to the city last year, however much closer the cousin is.
And write down more than a name. The full name as his own papers give it, the block and plot number, and a second contact who is not him. A minute's work now, and the difference between a witness who can be found and a dead end.
No signature is bought here. We organise no witnesses for any sum, and an offer from any office to produce one should be refused the moment it is made. Borrowing the name of somebody who was never in the room plants a flaw in the certificate on purpose, and it comes apart in front of whoever examines the paper hardest — which, in a household whose position one day depends on being a legal heir, is exactly where it will be examined.
Three certified copies, and in a colony of shared plots the third has an obvious job. One with the couple. One with whoever keeps the household's papers. And one outside this colony altogether — with a married sister, a relative in another part of the city, anybody whose cupboard has nothing to do with this house. Where a plot holds two or three families and every document lives in one trunk, a single quarrel over the property can put the marriage certificate out of reach of the very person whose claim depends on it. That is not a hypothetical in these lanes.
Inside the first week, write down three facts and keep them somewhere separate: which office issued the certificate, what date its entry bears, and the serial the register has given it. Hold those and a replacement copy, however many years later, is a single application. Lose them and someone has to trawl the registers after a name against a year nobody is sure of.
Take a picture of it, check that either of you can open the image on any phone, and make sure one person outside the colony knows how to reach it.
Then go through every entry on the day it arrives. Put it beside the Aadhaar instead of trusting memory, and give the transliteration your sharpest attention — a name set down one way by a village school, differently by a Delhi bank, and a third way by whoever filled in the form is the most frequent defect in files from colonies built by migration. Then work down the rest: both fathers' names in the form each man uses himself, the two birth dates measured against whichever age document was handed over, the date of the rites, the pair of addresses, and the number the register carries. An error caught this month is one form and a short wait. The same error surfacing in twenty years, when a widow is proving she is a legal heir, is a different order of trouble.
We have deliberately printed no office name on this site. The office a file goes to is fixed by the address exactly as it reads; the sub-divisional map of Delhi was redrawn across 2026; and anything we committed to type could already be out of date by the time a family travelled on it. Read the address out to us as the Aadhaar words it and we will establish, at no charge, which office it currently reports to.
Two reassurances worth stating, because both come up in these lanes. A boundary redrawn after your certificate was issued leaves it exactly as valid — nothing needs doing again. And an old register nobody can locate has not been destroyed; it has gone to whichever office took over that area. Where an old entry has gone quiet, the sequence that works is on our Mayur Vihar Phase 2 page: a written request to the office that now holds the area, and only after that draws nothing, an RTI. An application of your own that has simply stalled is another matter altogether, taken up on the Lajpat Nagar page — together with the Delhi legislation imposing time limits on notified services, under which the officer in default pays the applicant compensation from his own pocket.
| Area | What the file usually turns on here |
|---|---|
| Sangam Vihar, the lettered blocks, Devli and Tigri side | Plots held on GPA, agreement to sell and possession letters, with the named holder often long dead. The marriage file needs none of it untangled first. |
| Households renting a room here | Excluded from the 2019 Act’s definition — but registration has never needed ownership, a lease or a landlord’s cooperation. |
| Widows whose claim rests on being a legal heir | The four words at the end of the definition are on her side. The marriage document is what switches them on. |
| Khanpur, Duggal Colony, Madangir, Dakshinpuri | The same informal-paper pattern, and the same separation between the property question and the marriage one. |
| Tughlakabad, Sangam Vihar’s southern edge, Pul Prahladpur | See our Badarpur page for the border question, and why one registration is honoured all over India. |
| Weddings performed in the home district years ago | Already valid under section 7. Only the record is missing and there is no cut-off for supplying it. |
| Anybody being charged to “get a PM-UDAY file passed” | Nobody can guarantee an outcome under that Act. The charges payable are the government’s own, paid to the authority. |
| Couples marrying across caste in a close-knit lane | What genuinely alters is set out on our inter-caste page — and it is a shorter list than any family imagines. |
One — waiting for the property to be regularised before registering the marriage. Two unrelated jobs, and the marriage one is far simpler. Families here lose years to this.
Two — reading the "legal heirs" clause and assuming it proves itself. The four words put the family inside the definition. Which people are the legal heirs is decided elsewhere, and for a widow it rests on the marriage.
Three — a tenant believing the 2019 Act will make them an owner. The definition excludes a tenant, a licensee and a permissive user in terms. Anybody saying otherwise is selling something.
Four — assuming the Act covers every irregular colony. It requires the colony to have been identified for regularisation under a named notification. Whether a particular lane is on that list is a question for the authority, not for an agent.
Five — paying a fee to get a scheme file "passed". No outcome can be guaranteed, and the charges that exist are the government's own, paid to the authority.
Six — thinking a village wedding with no paper left you unmarried. Section 7 married you the day the rites were performed. The entry is the only thing absent, and no deadline has run out.
Seven — being frightened by a late-filing penalty that has never moved. Two fixed amounts, both capable of being waived, and neither larger for a thirty-year gap than a three-month one.
Eight — picking a witness who arrived in the city last year. In a colony where neighbours have been neighbours for twenty-five years, a traceable witness is actually easy to find. Use that.
Nine — keeping every copy inside the plot. Where one quarrel over the property can lock the trunk, the certificate belongs partly outside this colony.
Ten — letting anybody produce a document for you. A paper naming an address you never slept at is a built-in weakness you paid for.
Our complete price list follows. Second copies, putting an entry right, apostille work, the fully managed option and the State's own separate collections are each set out on the fee page.
| Route | Our fee | Who it suits in this colony |
|---|---|---|
| Arya Samaj ceremony at our mandir | ₹5,100 | The Vedic rites alone, ending with the mandir’s own certificate. Section 7 makes you married from that afternoon, before any register holds your names. |
| Ceremony with registration handled | ₹7,100 | Ceremony and the State’s entry done as one job — the straightforward choice for a couple marrying now. |
| A wedding already held, brought onto the record | ₹6,000 | Most of what reaches us from these blocks. Any year, any district — rites performed in a village in 1991 with nothing written down is routine rather than difficult. |
| Special Marriage Act, start to finish | ₹15,000 | The route Parliament built for any two people, with no question asked about anybody’s faith or community. It runs longer and it runs publicly: a notice sits open to objection for a full month. |
What the State takes is nothing to do with our fee and each item is receipted to you directly: ₹100 for the Marriage Clerk, ₹200 attaching to the application under Delhi's 2014 Order, and ₹15 for the District cashier if you take the civil route. For a wedding from an earlier year that Order lays down two further amounts — ₹500 while the second sixty-day period is still running and ₹1,000 once it closes — and the ADM or DM may set aside either. Neither has gone up across however many years have passed.
Ten things are not for sale at this office at any price. Witnesses are not something we will supply. A date that never happened is not something we will enter. A certificate is not something we will issue with one of you missing. We make no PM-UDAY application, obtain no conveyance deed or authorisation slip, and draft, check or advise on no Power of Attorney, agreement to sell, will or possession letter. We establish nobody's chain of title. We obtain no legal heir or succession certificate. We take no property or matrimonial dispute. We appear before no authority, tribunal or court. We give no assurance about what any officer will decide. And we neither propose nor arrange a conversion. If what your situation actually calls for is an advocate and not a marriage service, you will be told so on the very first call, free of charge — and we say it knowing full well that it is normally the last thing said before the line goes dead.
Sourced — the National Capital Territory of Delhi (Recognition of Property Rights of Residents in Unauthorised Colonies) Act, 2019. Section 2, the definition of "resident", quoted whole: "a person having physical possession of property on the basis of a registered sale deed or latest Power of Attorney, Agreement to Sale, Will, possession letter and other documents including documents evidencing payment of consideration in respect of a property in unauthorised colonies and includes their legal heirs but does not include tenant, licensee or permissive user." Section 2, the definition of "unauthorised colony", quoted whole: "a colony or development comprising of a contiguous area, where no permission has been obtained for approval of layout plan or building plans and has been identified for regularisation of such colony in pursuance to the notification number S.O. 683(E), dated the 24th March, 2008." Section 3(1), the power to "regularise the transactions of immovable properties based on the latest Power of Attorney, Agreement to Sale, Will, possession letter and other documents including documents evidencing payment of consideration for conferring or recognising right of ownership or transfer or mortgage." And section 3(4), under which such residents "shall be eligible for right of ownership or transfer or mortgage through a conveyance deed or authorisation slip."
Each provision above was read in the Act's own text and confirmed against a second independent published copy of the statute, which gave the two definitions in identical words.
Described rather than quoted, and labelled as such on the page: the remaining sub-sections of section 3, dealing with the fixing of charges by notification, stamp duty and registration charges on the amount stated in the conveyance deed or authorisation slip, the eligibility of residents holding registered, unregistered or notarised documents on payment of the prescribed charges, the position of earlier transactions in a chain, and the carrying through of the exclusion of tenants, licensees and permissive users. Published texts of those sub-sections differ in their wording, so they are summarised rather than set out, and nothing here rests on their precise words.
Sourced — the marriage provisions. From the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955, three provisions: s.7, which treats the customary rites of either side as the act that marries people; s.5(ii), making willingness a condition of a valid marriage; and s.8, whose object is stated as facilitating proof. Then s.4 of the Special Marriage Act, 1954, opening the civil route to "any two persons" — along with the residence condition that Act carries and the thirty days a notice stays open. Order 8, the ₹200 attaching to an application, the sixty-day period and the two late figures come from Delhi's 2014 Order. The ₹100 and ₹15 items, and the turnaround it holds itself to, are published by the Delhi Revenue Department. BNS s.236 is the provision on untrue declarations, and the rates for apostille and attestation are those the Ministry of External Affairs publishes itself.
What this page cannot say. Whether the 2019 Act applies to any particular colony, lane or plot — that turns on whether the colony was identified for regularisation under the notification the Act names, which is a question of fact about an official list. Whether any person is a "resident" within the definition, or a tenant, licensee or permissive user outside it. Who anybody's legal heirs are, which is decided by other statutes entirely and on facts we have never seen. What anybody would receive under the Act or the scheme built on it, or what any authority will decide. Whether any Power of Attorney, agreement to sell, will or possession letter is valid or sufficient for anything. Nor which office any particular address is served by, since that follows the precise address and the 2026 redrawing altered it. Put briefly: what this business does is conduct marriages and place them on the register. Property, title, scheme applications, succession and heirship are not ours; we appear before no authority or court; and not a rupee is taken for any of it. This definition is set out here for one reason: it is a statute written for the poorest colonies in Delhi, it carries its recognition forward to "their legal heirs", and it says nothing at all about how a widow is to show she was a wife. Closing that gap is the only thing we sell. Where a household needs the property or heirship questions answered, an advocate is who it needs — and a woman can obtain free legal aid for it with no income test applied, which our Vikaspuri page sets out.
One — tell us the year and the place of the ceremony, even approximately. "Around 1991, back in the district" or "2014, here in the block" is enough to start, and between them those two facts settle the route and the fee.
Two — keep both Aadhaar cards to hand and give us the address printed on each, not the version either of you would say from memory. Tell us as well whose name appears on the plot's papers — it makes no difference whatsoever to the marriage file, but households in these lanes generally need that stated aloud before it sinks in.
Three — if the papers name somebody who has died, say so at the start. It changes nothing about what we need. It changes a great deal about why we would urge you not to leave this until the year somebody disputes the house.
Ring +91 8376863962. Nothing about payment is raised until three things have been said to you: which route your facts actually fit, what this office charges for it, and what the State takes on its own account. And if the honest answer is that what you need is an advocate rather than a marriage service, you will hear that as well — at no cost for having asked.
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